The theme of this year’s United Nations General Assembly (UNGA), “Better together,” seems redundant for an organization whose name itself implies unity. The 193 member states joined the U.N. to pursue national interests through collective effort. Eighty years after the signing of the U.N. Charter, there is a palpable sense of crisis, exacerbated by the Trump administration’s financial cuts. Issues such as Security Council paralysis, resentment over inequalities in privileges and benefits, unfulfilled expectations on climate change and debt, and other challenges contribute to the perception of a bloated organization that has lost its way.
The U.N. Secretary-General António Guterres’ UN80 Initiative, partly a response to Trump’s budget cuts, focuses on efficiencies, mandate implementation, and consolidating functions and entities. However, a compelling narrative about the U.N.’s relevance and irreplaceable value is missing. Defending the status quo in today’s climate is challenging, and the U.N. must accept doing “less with less.” Achieving consensus on which functions to prioritize in times of sharply curtailed resources will be more difficult than a 20% staffing cut that avoided indicating priorities. The U.N. needs inspiring guidance to navigate these challenges.
Each year, UNGA has two agendas: one official and an informal one discussed in corridors and receptions. This year’s unofficial agenda will revolve around President Donald Trump and the implications of the U.S. losing interest in the global order it helped create. The unofficial agenda might be dubbed “Better Together,” but with a question mark.
Implications of Trump Banning the Palestinian Leadership from UNGA
Trump has been bold on Israel/Palestine, moving the U.S. Embassy to Jerusalem, subsuming the U.S. Consulate General in Jerusalem into the embassy, and cutting off aid to the Palestinian people. Banning Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas from the U.N. General Assembly sends a warning to Palestinians and countries like Australia, Belgium, Canada, and France, expected to recognize a Palestinian state. However, these countries are likely to proceed with recognition, making the move mostly symbolic.
The visa refusal raises questions about compliance with the 1947 international treaty to headquarter the U.N. in New York, which states that U.S. authorities shall not impose impediments to transit for persons invited by the U.N. This move echoes the 1988 ban on Palestine Liberation Organization Chairman Yasir Arafat, which led to a special session in Geneva where Arafat accepted U.N. resolutions. However, the current geopolitical context lacks the alignment between the U.S. and other key countries on Israel/Palestine that existed in 1988.
On the ground, Palestinians and Israelis are focused on Gaza, where a new Israeli operation has begun and over 64,000 people, mostly civilians, have been killed. The per capita equivalent of this loss is 10 million Americans, with dozens of Israeli hostages still held.
Filling the Vacuum of US Leadership
For 80 years, the U.N. and other multilateral entities have relied on strong American leadership to address global challenges. The U.S. played a key role in creating the U.N. and advancing global health, human rights, and more. However, the U.S. has withdrawn engagement with and funding for certain U.N. agencies and bodies, weakened its support for Ukraine, and taken a tepid approach to NATO and global trade rules. This shift puts a heavier onus on other nations and stakeholders to provide leadership and resources to respond to disasters, conflicts, and other challenges.
The U.S. retreat from multilateralism is significant and jarring, but not fatal for the U.N. and other multilateral efforts. Strategies and tactics can be adapted to keep alive the vision of impactful multilateralism for another 80 years. The rapidly changing global landscape requires stakeholders at all levels to adapt and renew efforts to protect freedoms, rights, and democracy globally.
Surprise: Americans Increasingly Value the UN for Defending Human Rights
The U.N. General Assembly convenes this year amidst significant challenges to the international rules-based order, partly due to the Trump administration’s stance. Despite this, a plurality of Americans, including Democrats and Republicans, want the U.S. to rely on international organizations like the U.N. in advocating human rights globally. Three-quarters of Americans support this approach, according to recent polls.
The U.N. faces challenges, including the changing global distribution of economic and military power and the Russian invasion of Ukraine. Israel’s assault on Gaza has tested the limits of international institutions in confronting grave violations of laws and U.N. resolutions. The Trump administration’s withdrawal from U.N. processes and entities focused on human rights has added to the sense that global order is under assault.
However, Americans increasingly want their government to advocate for human rights globally and to rely mostly on international organizations. This shift is notable given the current geopolitical tensions and the Trump administration’s actions.
The Urgency of Agile Global AI Governance
The 80th session of UNGA is launching the Independent International Scientific Panel on Artificial Intelligence (AI) and the Global Dialogue on AI Governance. These initiatives, outlined in last year’s Pact for the Future, envision consistent evidence-based assessment and policy-relevant recommendations. Their success will hinge on meaningful leadership from the Global South, particularly Africa.
By 2050, 1 in 4 people will be African, and by 2035, Africa will have the world’s largest youth workforce influx. Africa has the highest rate of entrepreneurship and leads in digital adoption and startup ecosystems. Despite this potential, Africa lags behind with less than 1% of the world’s data centers and AI research and development, and only 0.02% of internet content is in African languages.
The new AI initiatives could address these issues, showing results from multilateralism in a period where support is waning. Success will require embedding agile governance principles and tools, tackling the “pacing problem” where technology moves faster than governance. Instead of annual check-ins, these sessions need to become ongoing policy processes with built-in forecasting tools and real-time monitoring dashboards.
The dialogue must also help regulators overcome the “coordination challenge” by bringing together diverse stakeholders to use tools like regulatory sandboxes and pilot programs. With the right commitment to flexible governance systems, the dialogue can show that multilateral institutions can govern fast-moving technology effectively, elevating key voices and accelerating implementation of the Sustainable Development Goals.
Security Support in Haiti at Risk
The deteriorating security situation in Haiti is a critical issue on the U.N. agenda. The mandate of the U.N.-authorized Multinational Security Support Mission (MSSM) is set to expire at the end of September. Despite the critical situation, there is no clear U.N. or U.S. plan forward. Violent gangs control 90% of Haiti’s capital and have significantly increased their presence in other parts of the country.
Extorting critical infrastructure and businesses, destroying homes and schools, and perpetrating extensive sexual violence, the gangs kill thousands of people per year. Over 1.3 million Haitians have been displaced, and half of the population is food insecure. The Kenya-led MSSM, which arrived in Haiti in the summer of 2024, failed to weaken the gangs due to being undermanned, underpaid, and underresourced. It suffered from tactical errors, severe logistical problems, unclear mandates, lack of enablers, air support, and offensive will.
The U.S. proposed a new “Gang Suppression Force” of 5,500 uniformed personnel, but this plan remains undercooked and in contradiction to other aspects of the Trump administration’s foreign policy. The MSSM remained smaller than envisioned, and few countries were willing to contribute forces. The Trump administration has not lined up contributors to reach the new desired number and has dramatically reduced U.S. contributions to U.N. peacekeeping, with financing of the Haiti mission in jeopardy.
Without the MSSM staying in Haiti with an extended mandate and financing or its immediate replacement by a more potent force, the security situation in Haiti will collapse rapidly. This could lead to a complete overthrow of the Haitian government, takeover of critical infrastructure, disruption of operations, and outright territorial control in other parts of the country. It could also interrupt energy, fuel, and cargo supply to northern Haiti and its vital economic production.
The UN’s Role in Public Health and Pandemic Response
There is growing concern about the insular direction of policymaking, especially around financing linked to climate change and global health. The collapse of the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) and the withdrawal of the U.S. and many countries from global health and health aid is both a national and international security issue. Future pandemics, in the presence of migration, increase the risk of a global health crisis potentially greater than the damage that followed COVID-19.
High-level meetings at the 80th session of UNGA focus on sustainable development, health, climate, and gender. The issue of future pandemic response is not just a security one but cuts across all highlighted themes. Research evidence shows that global governance institutions play a crucial role in mitigating the negative effects of epidemics by fostering cooperation among domestic governance agencies and coordinating the flow of development and disaster financing to the worst-affected regions.
This improves health and human capital outcomes, increases economic activity, and helps slow the spread of epidemics globally, enhancing global health security. The rollback of global governance infrastructure and development financing around public health is an international security issue that should be front and center in discussions at UNGA this year.
A Window for Re-thinking Human Labor Mobility
The United Nations turns 80 this year, and with it comes the usual call to recommit to multilateralism and defend global cooperation. However, lofty principles alone will not suffice. What the world needs now is shared results, and labor migration provides a golden opportunity. Demographics show that the global fertility rate has halved in 70 years, and in much of the Global North, birth rates have dipped below replacement. At the same time, countries face acute labor shortages while millions of displaced people search for safety and work.
The gap between opportunity and need is obvious, but responses remain fragmented. UNGA80 should advance the conversation about managing human mobility in a way that harnesses migrants’ full economic potential. Smart labor migration policies benefit everyone-workers, host communities, and migrants themselves. Done right, these arrangements fill labor shortages, relieve displacement pressures, and spur sustainable growth.
Canada, Spain, Italy, and the United States have all benefited from these arrangements, but a vital next step is to scale these mostly bilateral pathways. Delegates at UNGA can lay the groundwork to put these ideas into practice by pushing to harmonize skills taxonomies and simplify visa regimes to match migrants’ skills to labor shortages. Doing so would boost growth in aging countries and improve the welfare of migrant workers by cutting out criminal trafficking networks. It would also provide an opportunity to breathe new life into the Global Compact for Migration, which called for humane and mutually beneficial migration pathways but lost momentum in the face of political headwinds.
Listening in a Time of Shifts: The Future of Global Education
The 80th U.N. General Assembly takes place under the theme “Better together: 80 years and more for peace, development, and human rights.” At a time when global cooperation seems fragile, this theme is more urgent than ever. If the world is to protect both people and the planet, education must be at the forefront of the discussion. Yet signs of retreat from international cooperation on education are growing. The closure of USAID in July 2025, along with the world’s 9% cuts to official development assistance in 2024 and the expected 9% to 17% further cuts in 2025, indicate a shift away from multilateral engagement.
On the education front, UNICEF projects that global education aid could decrease by $3.2 billion by 2026, potentially leaving 6 million more children out of school. Such setbacks decrease the resources available for schools and programs, reduce participation, and add pressure to already strained education systems worldwide. These changes are alarming, yet they also create opportunities for progress. History shows that crises can speed up reforms that might otherwise take decades. The 2022 U.N. Transforming Education Summit highlighted the urgent need to rethink education systems, and UNGA 2025 should build on that momentum.
However, transformation must be intentional, rooted in the many purposes of education: boosting economic growth, fostering national identities and civic engagement, promoting liberation and critical conscientization, supporting well-being and flourishing, and sustaining cultural and spiritual traditions. Today’s pressing issues-climate, politics, and artificial intelligence-are reshaping both the landscape and purposes of education in real time. To understand how this transformation can take shape, Brookings’ Center for Universal Education and the International Education Funders Group (IEFG) are launching the Listening Survey on the Present and Future of Global Education. The survey will gauge how education actors and communities are experiencing changes in international cooperation in the sector and the opportunities and challenges ahead. By capturing both current realities and future visions, we ensure education systems are resilient, inclusive, and prepared for the generations that follow.
### Making Progress on Climate Without the World’s Largest Economy
For the last 17 years, the September meetings of the U.N. General Assembly have coincided with Climate Week, adding chaos to New York’s streets with about 600 events aimed at calling attention to the need for global action to protect the planet. This year’s top Climate Week topic is how to make progress on international cooperation when the world’s largest economy, the United States, has shifted away. In New York, there will be a focus on signs that action on climate is continuing despite chaos in federal policy.
There has been a lot of bad news, including disputes with China that have created chaos in supply chains and driven up costs for clean energy technologies. The recent reconciliation spending bill has stripped away many of the subsidies for clean energy, leading to higher emissions. However, there is also good news. In New York, meetings about nuclear power, a technology enjoying a renaissance of interest and bipartisan support, will take place. The clean technology revolution is doing well around the world, somewhat independently of political dramas in the U.S., which means action on climate change will have a bit of a tailwind. Climate cooperation without much U.S. federal support might be easier than we think.
### UN at 80 and the Future of UN Peace Operations
U.N. peacekeepers, first deployed only three years after the creation of the U.N., have long been a preeminent example of multilateralism, bringing together the capacities of dozens of countries to support war-torn nations. Decades of research have shown that U.N. peacekeeping operations are an extremely effective way to reduce violence, including civilian deaths, resolve conflict, and prevent a return to war. Known as the “Blue Helmets,” they are also extremely cheap: The 2024 to 2025 U.N. peacekeeping budget was $5.6 billion, less than 1% of annual U.S. military expenditure.
Yet no new peacekeeping operations have been authorized for more than a decade, while U.N. political missions, which tend to be smaller and cheaper, have become few and far between. Large missions have recently closed in Mali and Somalia, and soon in Iraq. The number of personnel deployed in U.N. peace operations dropped by 40% in the last 10 years. Why is such an effective tool facing challenges? U.N. peace operations are suffering the same challenges as other parts of the multilateral system. In addition to rising great power competition and increasing deadlock in the Security Council, these include immense liquidity issues that have threatened the organization’s ability to pay its bills as a result of U.N. members, in particular the U.S., not paying their dues.
Sin embargo, esto puede no ser el final de la historia para los esfuerzos de paz de la ONU. A principios de este año, Estados Unidos apoyó la extensión de la Misión de la ONU en Sudán del Sur, y recientemente propuso el uso de mecanismos de financiamiento de la ONU para apoyar una misión multinacional fortalecida en Haití. Estados Unidos también ha llamado a la ONU a centrarse en la paz y la seguridad, dando a entender las prioridades de la administración. La claridad adicional es probable que venga después de la confirmación de Mike Waltz como embajador de la ONU. En la UNGA del año pasado se adoptó un Pacto para el Futuro que llamaba a una revisión de todas las operaciones de paz de la ONU. La UNGA de este año puede proporcionar una visión de las conclusiones que surgirán de esta revisión a principios del próximo año. Sin embargo, pocos esperan que la revisión produzca cambios importantes: el Secretario General António Guterres es un secretario general lame duck, con el proceso de selección del próximo secretario general programado para 2026. Lo que la UNGA puede proporcionar es una visión del futuro: con el conflicto global en su nivel más alto desde la Segunda Guerra Mundial, ¿hay una posibilidad de un regreso para uno de los herramientas más efectivas del mundo contra él?
Una forma creativa para seleccionar al próximo Secretario General
Con el término de António Guterres como secretario general de la ONU el 31 de diciembre de 2026, la especulación sobre su sucesor será intensa en los pasillos de la Asamblea General de este año. Con creatividad, esta sucesión proporciona una oportunidad para ayudar a reavivar el interés y la atención en las Naciones Unidas, que demasiado a menudo aparece más como un espectador que en el epicentro de los eventos globales. El artículo 97 de la Carta de la ONU guía la selección: “El Secretario General será nombrado por la Asamblea General con la recomendación del Consejo de Seguridad”. A pesar de una mayor transparencia en la elección de 2016, incluyendo presentaciones de candidatos a la Asamblea General, la acción tiene lugar detrás de puertas cerradas en el Consejo de Seguridad. Cualquier persona presentada a la Asamblea General para su nombramiento debe ser aceptable para el Consejo, particularmente los cinco miembros permanentes (P5).
Sin embargo, la Asamblea General en 2022 demostró que no está completamente desarmada cuando se trata de las prerrogativas del Consejo de Seguridad. Reaccionando a los vetos rusos sobre la condena del Consejo de Seguridad de la invasión rusa de Ucrania, la Asamblea General, liderada por Liechtenstein, adoptó una resolución que obligaba a cualquier miembro P5 que ejerciera un veto a explicarse ante la Asamblea General. Esto no debilita los poderes de veto, pero cambia la práctica y inserta responsabilidad recordando a los P5 de sus responsabilidades ante la membresía en su conjunto. Tal vez, en una resolución similar, la Asamblea General podría exigir que el Consejo de Seguridad recomiende más de un nombre para la selección del secretario general. Cada candidato aún tendría que pasar por el filtro del Consejo, incluido el visto bueno de los P5. La Asamblea General aún, según el artículo 97, nombraría a alguien recomendado por el Consejo. Un proceso competitivo transparente – una verdadera elección – entre dos candidatos más en la Asamblea General puede generar un sentido de emoción y proporcionar impulso detrás de quien sea finalmente nombrado para revivir el papel de la ONU en áreas clave. Además, múltiples candidatos resolverían un problema peculiar a la siguiente selección. En la rotación geográfica informal de secretarios generales, el bloque de Europa del Este afirma que se le robó su oportunidad en 2016 cuando Guterres, un portugués, fue seleccionado. Los países de América Latina y el Caribe insisten en que es su turno, y el nacional argentino encabezando la Agencia Internacional de Energía Atómica, Rafael Grossi, anunció su candidatura el mes pasado, con otros candidatos regionales esperados para anunciar pronto. El Consejo, al enviar dos nombres, podría dejar que la Asamblea General se encargue de la rivalidad geográfica, cómodo en el conocimiento de que el candidato prevaleciente ya había obtenido la aprobación del Consejo.
Es hora de reimaginar el futuro de nuestros hijos
Las reuniones de la 80ª Asamblea General de este año proporcionan una oportunidad para que aquellos que asisten comiencen a innovar y reimaginar un camino diferente para financiar y escalar el apoyo integral a los niños en todo el mundo. Una pregunta clave es cómo avanzar dadas las recientes disminuciones de la ayuda internacional que han dejado a muchos organismos de política, financiamiento y implementación a nivel global, nacional y local sintiéndose atascados. El bienestar de los niños no figura en el programa oficial de la Asamblea General, pero las conversaciones en las reuniones sobre Palestina, los rohingyas y muchos otros se refieren a ellos. Aunque se ha logrado un progreso significativo en múltiples Objetivos de Desarrollo Sostenible (ODS) relevantes para los niños (ODS 1, ODS 3, ODS 4 y más), hay temor de que el impulso pueda estar estancado con el cambio en el panorama de financiamiento.
Si bien los defensores de los niños no pueden controlar los vientos políticos, especialmente en cuanto a la inversión, los desafíos como estos tienen sus lados brillantes. Forzan a los actores a pensar de manera diferente. Las conversaciones ya estaban en curso entre los formuladores de políticas, los donantes, los implementadores y más sobre empoderar a los formuladores de políticas locales que tengan la voluntad política para apoyar la financiación a través de los presupuestos existentes. Estos actores han estado discutiendo en reuniones globales, nacionales y locales sobre diversas formas de financiar y escalar el apoyo a los niños a través del sector privado, remesas, donaciones individuales de las clases medias de algunos países, coaliciones y más. Los eventos laterales, incluyendo el camino de Brookings hacia la escala de la inversión en los primeros años, el desbloqueo del futuro de UNICEF y otros, proporcionarán espacio para estas discusiones y debates con la esperanza de mover el dedo hacia adelante. Estamos en una encrucijada este año. Cumplir con los ODS y más allá para los niños del mundo requerirá pensamiento fuera de la caja y soluciones creativas, muchas de las cuales aún no están claras. Los defensores de los niños necesitarán tener el coraje de salir de sus zonas de confort y probar nuevas cosas, sabiendo que habrá fracasos en el camino.
¿Cómo se engañará Estados Unidos con la gobernanza de la IA en la ONU?
La inteligencia artificial (IA) ha sido un tema destacado en las últimas Asambleas Generales de la ONU. En la UNGA de 2023, en el contexto del momento ChatGPT y la llamada del Secretario General António Guterres para una agencia internacional de IA modeloada en la Agencia Internacional de Energía Atómica, la Secretaría de la ONU reunió a figuras destacadas del mundo de la IA para anunciar un cuerpo asesor de alto nivel (HLAB) que desarrollaría recomendaciones para la gobernanza internacional de la IA. En 2024, el evento principal en la UNGA fue la Cumbre del Futuro, que incluyó la adopción de un “Compromiso Digital Global”, que puso en marcha un proceso basado en las recomendaciones del HLAB para establecer un panel científico internacional y foros de la ONU sobre la gobernanza de la IA. Este año, la IA está en el fondo de la UNGA, eclipsada por el aniversario de los Objetivos de Desarrollo Sostenible (ODS) y la hostilidad del gobierno de Trump hacia la ONU reflejada en la orden ejecutiva para revisar la financiación de la ONU, su oposición a los ODS y la retirada planeada de la UNESCO.
A pesar de esto, la Asamblea General ya ha alcanzado un acuerdo para establecer un panel científico de 40 expertos, nombrados por el Secretario General con nominaciones abiertas, y una serie de “diálogos globales” anuales sobre la IA informados por informes del panel científico. Estos son más modestos que un equivalente al Panel Científico sobre el Cambio Climático o un cuerpo de gobernanza de la IA internacional. Al principio de la carrera hacia el Compromiso Digital Global, los EE. UU. persiguieron activamente la diplomacia, presentando una resolución con 123 co-sesores que promovió “sistemas de IA seguros, seguros y confiables” y animó a la cooperación y la capacidad de construcción internacional. Unos meses después, China presentó unilateralmente una resolución similar, y cada una de estas pasó sin oposición. La diferencia clave en la resolución de China fue su énfasis en la liderazgo de la ONU y los estados miembros en lugar de los interesados. El Plan de Acción de la IA del gobierno de Trump promete la diplomacia para promover la adopción de un “stack de IA estadounidense”. Pero, si los EE. UU. no se comprometen con la diplomacia sobre la gobernanza de la IA dentro de la ONU y otros organismos multilaterales, China tendrá una influencia desproporcionada en estos foros al impulsar su modelo de gobernanza estatal.
El momento para una reimaganación audaz del sistema multilateral es ahora
Desde el comercio hasta la finanza hasta el cambio climático, nuestro mundo está más conectado que nunca. La cooperación internacional es esencial para proporcionar un entorno basado en reglas para el comercio y la finanza globales y combatir los desafíos globales como el cambio climático. Sin embargo, el sistema multilateral-instituciones y marcos de política para la cooperación entre naciones-está fallando. Obstruido por las limitaciones existentes, ahora enfrenta un paisaje económico, geopolítico y tecnológico en rápida evolución. El momento llama a una reimaganación audaz para construir un sistema multilateral adecuado para el orden mundial en constante cambio.
Los desarrollos recientes, incluyendo la retirada del gobierno de Trump de la participación multilateral, una guerra comercial en ascenso, una fragmentación geoeconómica intensificada y un costo asociado creciente, subrayan la necesidad urgente de una revisión fundamental. La mayoría de los esfuerzos para reformar el sistema multilateral se centran en soluciones incrementales estrechas, pero lo que se necesita ahora es una revisión integral del sistema de gobernanza económica global. La revisión debe estar informada por una nueva visión que aborde cuestiones fundamentales de enfocar el multilateralismo en desafíos que realmente requieren acción colectiva global y realinear la arquitectura institucional con realidades contemporáneas. La reforma sistémica puede parecer abrumadora en un momento en que el multilateralismo está en crisis y enfrenta geopolíticas difíciles. Pero, como se dice, un desastre es una cosa terrible para desperdiciar. El “ONU a los 80” es un momento oportuno para la comunidad internacional para comprometerse a rediseñar y revitalizar el multilateralismo para el siglo XXI.
